In the year 105 BC, while Gaius Marius was awaiting a triumph for crushing the rebellion of the Numidian Jugurtha and hoping his contested candidacy for another consulship would be accepted, another threat arose on the frontier, this time in the north: a coalition of Germanic tribes was preparing to invade the territory of the Republic. Once again, he was chosen to avert the danger, and he succeeded with his victory in the Battle of Vercellae, earning the nickname of Third Founder of Rome.

Gaius Marius, the “new man”, came from humble origins, according to Plutarch; others, however, place him in the ordo equester, a high middle-class rank. In any case, he managed to enter high society through his marriage to the patrician Julia and through a carefully managed cursus honorum in which he ascended from military service under Scipio Aemilianus to the proconsulship of Numidia, passing through the required positions of military tribune, quaestor, tribune of the plebs, and propraetor in Hispania Ulterior. He was then a legate in the army of Consul Quintus Caecilius Metellus, after which he rose to the consulship.

According to the law, ten years had to pass before running for a second term, but the appearance of the Germans in the north changed things; in extreme situations, extreme measures are required, and the Romans considered it better to bypass a legal technicality if it meant appointing the victorious warrior to face the danger. Thus, Marius became consul again and would serve a third term afterward, having Gaius Flavius Fimbria and Lucius Aurelius Orestes as his respective colleagues (it was a dual magistracy). He would eventually attain the consulship two more times, for a total of five.

Bust of Gaius Marius
Bust of Gaius Marius. Credit: Mini.fb / Wikimedia Commons

Who were these Germans in question? They were three peoples, the first being the Cimbri, a group who, in Plutarch’s words, came from the ends of the earth on the shores of the Outer Sea, in a shadowy and wooded land where the sun’s rays do not penetrate at all due to the thickness of their forests, which extend into the Hercynian Mountains. In more concrete terms, they originated from the Jutland Peninsula, although it is unclear whether they spoke a Germanic or Celtic language. At some point in the 2nd century BC, they began migrating southeast, bringing other neighboring groups with them.

These included the Teutons and the Ambrones, about whom there is a similar lack of certainty, except for the cultural influence of La Tène in the archaeological record and the likelihood that they formed through ethnogenesis. The Teutons lived near the mouth of the Elbe River and the Baltic beaches, while the Ambrones resided between the Rhine’s mouth and the Frisian Islands. Both groups joined the Cimbri due to the impoverishment they experienced from the flooding of their coastal lands—likely caused by a rise in sea levels, possibly due to climate change or a storm cycle.

In any case, they all began their march around 120 BC, raiding everything in their path, not for plunder but for survival. The Boii (Cisalpine Gauls expelled by Rome to what is now Bohemia seventy-three years earlier) also joined them. In a domino effect, they forced others to move as well, like the Scordisci of modern-day Serbia, who attempted to cross into Macedonia, clashing with the local Roman garrison. Those desperate barbarians then retraced their steps and crossed the borders that marked the terra cognita of Rome.

Migration of Cimbri and Teutons
Migration of Cimbri and Teutons. Credit: Pethrus / Rowanwindwhistler / Wikimedia Commons

In 113 BC, they entered what is now Slovenia, planning to assault the wealthy city of Noreia. Two legions confronted them, but they were defeated, and although the Cimbri and Teutons had opened the gates to the Po Valley, they preferred to avoid further confrontations and headed to the mountainous land of the Helvetii, where they added more allies to their ranks: the Tigurini and the Toygeni. With them, they passed into northern Gaul, wandering through it and splitting up in search of a suitable place to settle.

The Tigurini headed toward Aquitania, but the others crossed the Rhône, and Rome, fearing they would enter Narbonensis, sent troops against them. As had happened at Noreia, the Roman military rejected the offer of services in exchange for asylum and land, once again suffering a defeat, although they at least managed to divert the enemy, who settled in the Seine Valley. Nevertheless, other peoples detected weakness in the legions and inflicted one debacle after another on them: the Allobroges, the Volsci, the Scordisci…

The Cimbri then resumed their migration and crushed the army of the legate Marcus Aurelius Scaurus, taking advantage of the refusal of the two Roman consuls, Servilius Caepio and Gnaeus Manlius Maximus, to cooperate by combining their troops. In fact, insisting on this ego-driven conflict, Caepio once again rejected peace offers and marched alone against Boiorix and Teutobod, the Cimbrian and Teuton kings, respectively, who, together—unlike the Romans—annihilated his men at the Battle of Arausio and then did the same to Manlius’ forces.

Battle between the Cimbri and Romans (19th-century engraving)
Battle between the Cimbri and Romans (19th-century engraving). Credit: Public domain / Wikimedia Commons

This meant that once again the barbarians had a clear path to Italy, although they did not head there either—likely because the winter snow had closed the mountain passes—but instead turned to looting Gallia Narbonensis. They later separated, with the Teutons and Ambrones marching north while the Cimbri entered Hispania. After encountering fierce resistance from the Celtiberians, they returned to Gallic territory, where they faced scarcity and hardships.

A new attempt to settle in Belgic Gaul also failed, and they then decided not to delay the inevitable: it was time to try their luck in the Italian peninsula, towards which they marched through the Po Valley, accompanied by the Helvetii Tugenii and Tigurini as new allies, while the Teutons and Ambrones also headed in that direction, following the Rhône Valley. The news of the military defeats and the looming threat caused panic in Rome, reminiscent of the Second Punic War: mourning was outlawed to keep up morale, human sacrifices were performed, and it was forbidden to leave the city…

Likewise, Gaius Marius’ consulship was renewed for a third time, and he immediately began organizing an army with all available young men, aided by his colleague Publius Rutilius Rufus. The time the barbarians wasted in Hispania and Gaul was beneficial for Marius to train his inexperienced soldiers and manufacture the weapons and equipment with which he outfitted them—an entire military revolution—while also allowing resources to be diverted to suppress an unexpected southern front: the Sicilian slave revolt, known as the Second Servile War.

Mario and the Cimbrian ambassadors, a work by W. Rainey
Mario and the Cimbrian ambassadors, a work by W. Rainey. Credit: Public domain / Wikimedia Commons

By 102 BC, the barbarians were at the gates when Marius obtained his fourth consulship. He crossed the Alps with six legions and prepared to confront the Teutons and Ambrones, while his new colleague, Quintus Lutatius Catulus, moved to stop the Cimbri. The effectiveness of the so-called Marian military reforms was demonstrated in the Battle of Aquae Sextiae, near Marseille, a resounding Roman victory that practically exterminated the enemy (with tens of thousands dead), the capture of King Teutobod, and the granting of Marius’ fifth consulship.

It was now time to face the Cimbri and Tigurini, who were preparing to enter Italy from the center and east, respectively. The one tasked with stopping them was Catulus, appointed proconsul and likely not very pleased with Marius’ success, as they did not have a good relationship. To achieve this, he built a bridge over the Adige River, the only crossing point, and fortified both banks with palisades. However, the Cimbri diverted the river’s course and attacked some Roman soldiers, whom they had already psychologically defeated by presenting themselves to fight semi-naked despite the falling snow.

Catulus, unable to stop his men’s retreat, chose to lead it himself to keep it orderly. A unit was left isolated, and when its commander considered the possibility of surrender, he sparked outrage among his officers, one of whom, a simple centurion named Gnaeus Petreius Atinas, killed him and took command, managing to break through the enemy lines. That defeat could have meant the fall of Rome, but the Cimbri’s goal was not conquest but settlement. They did so in fertile Venetia, unaware that Marius was marching toward them at full speed.

The Battle of Vercellae, by Tiepolo
The Battle of Vercellae, by Tiepolo. Credit: Public domain / Wikimedia Commons

Also called proconsul, Marius met with Catulus, and instead of reproaching him for his behavior, he showed understanding, reorganizing the troops and training them to restore their lost self-esteem. In the spring of 101 BC, they set out for the Cimbri, reaching them in the vicinity of the city of Vercellae, between what is now Turin and Milan. King Boirix, unaware of the fatal fate of the Teutons, tried to negotiate, requesting land for the Cimbri and their allies; the Roman response was harsh, according to Plutarch: Leave now your brothers, for we have already given them land, and they will have it forever.

Seized by anger, the German ambassadors promised vengeance for themselves and the Teutonic chiefs, to which Marius sarcastically responded, They are present, and it would not be courteous of you to leave without having greeted your brothers, ordering that Teutobod and the other captives be shown to them. With things thus arranged, the only option left was to settle the matter on the battlefield, and indeed, it was agreed to fight in the plain three days later. The confrontation seemed uneven, given the numerical superiority of the Germans reported by Roman sources, although this is something currently questioned.

It is difficult to determine the figures, as in Antiquity there was a tendency to inflate the number of enemies, with figures ranging from three hundred thousand (Plutarch) to four hundred thousand (Diodorus of Sicily). Today it is estimated that the total number of Germans was one hundred fifty thousand or two hundred thousand at most, of which between fifty thousand and seventy thousand would be warriors, considering that some tribes (Tigurini, Cherusci, Marcomanni) had splintered along the way. Opposing them were ten or eleven legions totaling about fifty or fifty-five thousand troops.

Sulla
Sulla. Credit: Public domain / Wikimedia Commons

That is to say, the situation was more balanced than often claimed, with the advantage for the Romans of having a force under unified command and perfectly trained, while the Germans fragmented their command by tribes and, within these, clans, aside from the fiannas or warrior societies, which operated independently. Additionally, social promotion was based on valor demonstrated in battle, leading to a tendency to break formation in search of personal glory, as testified by Diodorus of Sicily.

Furthermore, the Germans usually fought encouraged by shouts of support from their families in the rear, which reinforced the psychological warfare they deployed with their songs, gestures, and other paraphernalia (strikes on the shields, the sound of the carnyx, the famous war frenzy…), as well as the questionable reputation of being as enormous as they were fierce. All this had already caused the collapse of the Roman lines of Catulus, and Marius was not willing to let it happen again, so he ensured that the omens from the sacrifices were favorable, inspiring his troops.

He also took positions favoring the sun and ordered his men to polish their helmets to reflect the sunlight and impress the enemy. A morning fog hindered this effect but, in return, also nullified the always overwhelming sight of the mass of Cimbri charging in closed formation, forming a colossal picture five kilometers wide by five deep… which crashed against the Roman defenses, consisting of ditches and stakes, serving both to halt them and to shoot at them from a safe distance with the pilum (which at Vercellae presented the technical novelty that its tip bent upon impact with the target, preventing the adversary from exploiting it).

Last stand of the Cimbrian women in Vercelas. Illustration of 1900
Last stand of the Cimbrian women in Vercelas. Illustration of 1900. Credit: Wikimedia Commons

Catulus was in charge of the center with inexperienced legionnaires and auxiliary troops, while the right flank was occupied by his legate, Lucius Cornelius Sulla (who had been Marius’s aide in Numidia and would later become consul and dictator), and Marius led the left with veterans and cavalry. Classical sources differ in interpreting why he chose such a position: some attribute it to the expectation that the main attack of the Cimbri would come from there, while others suggest he planned to execute the same tactic as Hannibal at Cannae, surrounding the Teutons with a double pincer, as indeed happened.

The fifteen thousand Cimbri cavalry, well-equipped due to their social status, took the initiative and galloped toward the Romans intending to encircle them and push them into their infantry, breaking their lines. However, the fog made it difficult for them to accurately locate the positions of the legionnaires, who remained steadfast, and taking advantage of both the limited visibility and the reduced speed of the Germans, Marius’s cavalry went out to meet them, putting them to flight and pursuing them.

At the same time, the Roman flanks began their advance against the Cimbrian infantry, which, blinded by the sun, confused the shine of their helmets and breastplates with that of their own cavalry. This confusion proved decisive, as the cohorts penetrated their formation like a knife, disrupting it and causing chaos in their ranks when, in fact, the Cimbrian cavalry collided with their own in their retreat. Amid that pandemonium of sun, dust, fog, and blood, the Cimbri were encircled, and close combat ensued, with gladius.

Catulus maintained his central position, so the Cimbri found themselves caught on three fronts. The fourth, the rear, was soon compromised as well when, in their momentum, the Roman cavalry arrived there threatening the families of the warriors. They formed their wagons in a circle and prepared to sell their lives dearly, aware that only death or slavery awaited them. But they were not only fighting the Romans; The women, Plutarch recounts, standing on the wagons and dressed in black, were killing the fugitives; some their husbands, others their brothers, others their fathers.

Marius, the conqueror of the Cimbri; work of Francesco Saverio Altamura
Marius, the conqueror of the Cimbri; work of Francesco Saverio Altamura. Credit: Public domain / Wikimedia Commons

In fact, they killed their own children and took their own lives, something that their men soon imitated: some charged into impossible situations, others hanged themselves, or let themselves be crushed by the cattle, etc. It is no surprise that the extremely high number of casualties they ultimately suffered is estimated today to be around eighty thousand dead against barely a thousand legionnaires fallen or less. The descendants of those unfortunate captives would participate in the Third Servile War.

King Boirix died sword in hand, as did other leaders like Lugio; there were also those who were captured, such as Claodicus and Cesori, although their fate was execution after being paraded in Rome. Thus, the Cimbrian people ceased to exist de facto; the few who escaped joined the Atuatuci (or Aduatici) of what is now Belgium, as the fleeing Teutons and Ambrones had done before. Also, the Tigurini, who did not arrive in time for the battle, were able to turn back and return to Helvetia.

Sulla attributed much of the victory to the fact that the Romans had to fight blinded by the sun and particularly affected by heat to which they were not accustomed, thus downplaying the role played by Marius. Indeed, Catulus proclaimed himself responsible for the victory, presenting as evidence the large number of enemy standards he had captured and the inscription with his name that he had made to be engraved on the poles of the pila of his soldiers, which were later found piercing the bodies of the enemies.

To avoid this rivalry, Rome granted them the celebration of a joint triumph; however, the people acclaimed Marius for being the commanding general and for the sympathy raised by his modest origins, at which point he was identified as the Third Founder of Rome, after Romulus and Marcus Furius Camillus. He obtained a sixth consulship, but his future was destined for conflict; not with Catulus, who ended up being surpassed by his subordinate, but with Sulla, in a civil war. But that is another story.

This article was first published on our Spanish Edition on October 3, 2023: Vercelas, la batalla que supuso la desaparición de los pueblos teutones y cimbrios

SOURCES

Plutarco, Las vidas paralelas

Veleyo Patérculo, Historia romana

Francisco García Campa, Cayo Mario. El Tercer Fundador de Roma

Sergei Ivanovich Kovaliov, Historia de Roma

Theodor Mommsem, Historia de Roma

Pierre Grimal, La formación del Imperio Romano. El mundo mediterráneo en la Edad Antigua

Wikipedia, Batalla de Vercelas

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